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BERLUSCONI IN BUNKER, THE OPPOSITION ON THE MOON

Istantanea di una crisi politica infinita che non accenna a finire.

L'Italia è un paese allo sbando. In questi giorni l'esplosione della crisi libica, che peraltro mette in luce la fragilità della politica estera berlusconiana, ha fatto passare in secondo piano le contorsioni della crisi politica nazionale, che però continua ad aggrovigliarsi su se stessa senza che se ne intravedano a breve vere vie d'uscita.

Nel generale impazzimento della politica italiana, dove i festini a «luci rosse» si intrecciano con i continui cambi di casacca a livello parlamentare, non è facile orientarsi. In condizioni «normali» Prime Minister would have already resigned from that day, in 'normal' opposition would have paralyzed the country. In 'normal' the majority party has already fired its leader, under "normal" early elections would have already carried out some time.

But we are not under normal conditions: the PDL is not a real party, but a tool in the hands of his master, the opposition knows only derived by parliamentary vote to fail, the elections are the terror of all parties, not to mention individual parliamentary Berlusconi seems more than a political leader from having a crazy dittatorello saw the inexorable path of sunset. That everything is the result of the horrendous second republic that wanted to build nearly two decades ago does not seem to be of interest to anyone - who ever is interested in similar accounts in this country? - But for this we must remember.

All of these factors describes a situation of paralysis, we do not know what will last. But after months of uncertainty is the time to take a snapshot at least, trying to fix some points, but knowing that new shocks will come soon. These points are:

1. the prospects of Berlusconi,

2. the conditions of the opposition,

3. holding the real power,

4. developments of the economic crisis,

5. signs of awakening social

6. the momentary success of left-wing populism (Vendola)

7. the path of the exodus from the political system as a way needed for the alternative.

For obvious reasons space will proceed in an extremely concise.

1. Berlusconi in the bunker.

survived by the skin of our teeth in the confidence vote on 14 December, cling to a numerical majority is based on parliamentary literally bought, affected by the investigations and judicial processes on the way, aware that they no longer even the relative majority in the country that seemed to preserve not later than one year ago, Silvio Berlusconi has decided to go down in the bunker of resistance to the bitter end. This choice has its own rationality. It 's a desperate choice - Berlusconi is still the fruit - which is however based on the weakness of others. We do not believe that this situation will last too long, but we do not be surprised if he went out for some time.

writer has made in recent months, a forecast error. Be that the prime minister would play the card at the end of elections as the only possibility to continue to govern. Charter risky, but until a few months ago certainly not absurd. The reasoning was that a majority in parliament now politically non-existent, could still be such (relatively speaking of course) at the election. Hypothesis strengthened by the chaos in the block against which it opposed the action and threatening to the polls in parliamentary possible turnaround.

In a short time, especially after the vote of 'confidence' of December 14, the picture is reversed: Berlusconi is now considered to have a slim majority even reinforced, while the elections are seen as the plague and judicial investigations incumbent . That bunker was therefore a choice in a sense forced. A sign of great weakness, but found no real opponents neither his party nor in a league increasingly breathless and without direction. Bunkers do not win wars, if you do not maintain range of motion on the surface. But if the bunker is not attacked, the stalemate can not be brief.

2. The opposition to the Moon

If the desperate resistance "Berlusconi still has a sense, this is due primarily to the absence of any real opposition. For months they have sworn, by the Democratic Party the UDC, there were the numbers in parliament for another government. It took shape "in five minutes" in accordance with the memorable phrase illustrious strategist Pier Ferdinando Casini. At the same time, however, early elections were described as a true national disaster. Today the parties are curiously reversed, and the elections that were just as curious as the numerical majority opposed by the opposition toppling the government, are now required when a majority in botched purchased and has in fact reconstituted.
Mysteries of an opposition that has fallen flat on all fronts. He renounced the mobilization in the country in the name of the operations of the palace, and when the latter went bankrupt have only been able to cling to the legal mess "puttanopoli. The fact is that so-called "opposition" MPs say they know nothing about the great economic and social issues, politics International, on the same institutional reforms - see weak opposition to "federalism", as opposed to matrix-League berlusconi ana certainly not on the substance of decrees in question. Not that the leaders of this ridiculous "opposition" does not talk about these issues. They talk about it, fewer scandals of the court Berlusconi, but when they do talk about it just to reiterate the most ironclad Atlantic, the more financial oligarchies and blind subordination to the top of the ECB, to say sir to Marchionne and Marcegaglia. So, for what little they talk about it - overwhelmed by the demands of the daily theater of "statements" from wars, by a frantic search for new parliamentary maneuvers - would be better to be quiet.

Ultimately, the opposition parties do not mobilize because they have nothing to say about the big issues that could really fill the squares. While social unrest is growing, they are turning to the country as if they were on the moon. The same positive events than women of 13 February can be attributed to a strong and true motion of Berlusconi's rejection of the vision of the woman, not the role of political parties of the center.

3. Who's in charge today in Italy?

If the front of the opposition continues to make water from all sides, it is clear, however, the extreme weakness parliamentary majority. Not so much a question of numbers, but rather for the anxiety that that the pace of the government. The fact that, once again, the scene is occupied by the judicial affairs of Berlusconi, the obsessive search for new laws safeguard premier, says a lot about the health of the government. The fact that it is now in a veritable constitutional crisis (confrontation with the judiciary, increasingly frequent tensions with the presidency of the republic), highlights the uniqueness of the current political crisis: surely the worst of Republican history.

But if this is the situation, those in power in Italy today, really? According to the traditional slow Marxism, in view of the exceptional nature of the situation, we would have expected a stronger field decreased in the dominant classes. It 's true that Marchionne said his "commandments", but only a narrowly economistic view would make us underestimate the significance of the absence of real policy initiatives by major centers of economic power. Centres that have preferred to stand at the window. Why? One answer comes from the last common card from Wikileaks and published by L'Espresso. He wrote in the national elections held in the spring of 2008 the then American ambassador, Richard Spogli, that if he won Veltroni, the thing would have been excellent if it had prevailed Berlusconi it would have been even more. The first is described as an "American" tout-court, the second as a buffoon rather disastrous for his country, but very useful on the bases, Afghanistan, Middle East policy. What is true of international choices, also applies to the economic decisions of the fund. Here, the traditional bipartisan Subo rdinazione to large financial oligarchies, combined with the now shared subordination to the dictates of the European Union, at which time you delegate, constraints, quantity and substance of the ongoing financial maneuvers.

We certainly talk about that in the coming weeks, as it is imminent the important European meeting on the issue public debt. What is useful here to note is the absence of any debate on these issues, which are also the most important for their social consequences. E 'due to a lack of bipartisan sharing European recipes. Sharing (and subordination) not only by the political spectrum, but an entire ruling class in all its ramifications.

If this is the modern Italian state, and also the answer to the question of who really controls within the framework of political and institutional chaos, that's the theme of the bully returns regaining of national sovereignty, which can only be achieved by freeing both NATO as the European Union: issues non a caso banditi da ogni pubblica discussione.

4. Eppure qualcosa si muove...

Il quadro generale non è dunque confortante. L'incendio del mondo arabo appare ancora lontano da noi, ma sarebbe sbagliato non vedere i primi segnali del risveglio sociale. Un risveglio che non avverrà in base ad uno schema ultra-semplificato classe contro classe, ma in maniera sicuramente molto più articolata. Abbiamo più volte parlato del significato degli scontri del 14 dicembre a Roma, ci siamo soffermati sulla portata della resistenza operaia nei referendum di Pomigliano e Mirafiori e sulla riuscita dello sciopero della Fiom del 28 gen naio, si è detto poc'anzi della grande mobilization of women, while another signal comes from the new vitality of important sectors of youth. It 's still a little, but the first symptoms of a social awakening there.

's still a little because in the face of heavy attack represented by Marchionni not been able so far to reach a general strike, because before that happens in North Africa and the mobilization of what was the antiwar movement seems like a zero, because in the face of the authoritarian government there is no response minimally effective.

This is not surprising. The first sparks of the social awakening could not be sufficient to ignite a prairie wet 30-year rule ideology of "we are still in best possible world." We must defeat this ideology, and this will depend on many factors, including subjective ones will be no less important than those that gives us the objectivity of the crisis. But this work of reconstruction of a program and perspective must be based on the reasonable expectation of an upcoming season of struggles.

5. Soon Europe will knock on the door ...

All the foregoing arguments take on a more precise meaning when placed in the general systemic crisis of capitalism, particularly the West. While the main indicators continue to record strong economic stagnation, with the intensification of youth unemployment and the impoverishment of significant segments of the population, time remind the centrality of the debt issue and in particular the so-called "sovereign debt."

We have already said that the issue will come back very topical in the coming days. That of the "debt" is a real weapon of mass destruction. Almost all of the West have been used to prevent the collapse of the financial system, and today that have bankrolled the banking system at no cost to use the bill to present to their peoples, with heavy financial maneuvers that go to hit the working classes, employees and retirees in the first place, but also significant areas of work, "self" is in fact more and more "official." In Italy there was a first taste with the operation was approved in July 2010. Now we are waiting for the second round, while in the meantime the initiative to Marchionne gave an even stronger sign of class during the offensive. We will see what will be the European decisions and see how they will be translated into national financial. We'll get the classic "straw that breaks the camel's back"? I do not rule out at all. If this happens, if the painful social lethargy will really end, then is the time to propose radical measures political and economic alternatives (To see an alternative to disaster - Proposals for a program phase), starting from the European Union and from Service public debt.

6. Zero proposals: the "secret" of the momentary success of Nichi Vendola

In the curious mosaic of the Italian political crisis has taken on a certain level the emergence of the picturesque piece Vendolí anus. After much insisted sull'emozionante line "or primary, or death," the Berlusconi left which is formally still governor of a region that rarely sees this, he decided the so-called "knight move" to exit the impasse in which it was expelled. Nothing, therefore, primary, election coalition enlarged the Third Pole, for an emergency government headed by Rosy Bindi. On the image plane, the only one actually deals with the move Vendola is not stupid. It, however, it highlights the strategic vacuum. Besides the proposed electoral alliance comes at a time in which the election is away, the primaries were already stored for a long time, and as Rosy Bindi was the same president of the Democratic Party to point out that the official candidate is currently Bersani.

Let's say, the temporary waiver of the primaries, the illusionist Pugliese wanted to be drawn of the mess of having to repeat endlessly as the Messiah of that we do not know. A wise tactical choice, he says now suggested by the old deflated balloon that matches the name of Fausto Bertinotti. We were in the shoes of Vendola we are concerned with advice from a similar advisor, but that's another story.

What is interesting, however, since the Messiah has certainly not abandoned its ambitions, it is the policy position that the Vendola taken with the latest moves in an even clearer. Vendola has not only firmly anchored in his personal party (Sel) in the center (which was granted), not only has offered to shore from the left the "holy alliance" that will come in the name dell'antiberlusconismo up to Fini, perhaps having the head Casini, Vendola accompanied his tactical move with absolute zero in programmatic terms. Moreover, this is nothing new, and it is this vacuum program and making it ready for any adventure by the government. A void that would fill with some cliché, with smoky talks of a "politically correct" to the left that finds its place only thanks to the absence of others (the absence of Pd on the one hand, the PRC on the other). In the present political chaos is likely that this peculiar form of left-wing populism with no content may have a momentary success. What we can rule out is that it can represent a political perspective for the medium term. About fifteen years ago he decided to delegate the representation of the left to Bertinotti, today does the same with Vendola. The media spaces that are granted must mean something. But if the former House speaker has been dropped as he fell, dragging with him his creature rainbows, I do not think that the new Rainbow Vendola can withstand the storm that promises social horizon.

7. An exodus must

We addressed Vendola because - like it or not, and we do not like - is the only living thing in the landscape of the Italian left undone. But vendolism or also refers to another issue of strategic nature. After Magri, Ingrao, Cossutta and Bertinotti Vendola is the continuer of institutionalist policy. that of the government with the center (in this case even extended to the right) at all costs. What use is subject to a social movements perspective, all internal to the institutions. Institutions which, moreover, not more than two decades ago.

But it is possible that in the face of a parliament reduced to a brothel, and not the sole responsibility of Berlusconi, does not even hint at a minimum reflection on the character taken by the institutions of this "democracy" is now rotten to the core?

We can not know the next developments in a crisis policy that sometimes occurs with dell'impazzimento characters. What we feel is to exclude any alternative that might satisfy a social policy and that he does not come to terms with the bottom the current political system, which should not be amended, is simply reversed.

is why, beyond the swirl of political quotas, it seems that the tool to advance an alternative perspective that remains popular exodus from this system. Let me be clear, the exodus can not alone be enough. Crucial will be his tangle with the resumption of social struggle, but without this exodus - highlighted by the high rate of abstention in the elections - little hope there would be.

We are reasonably optimistic, however. Many things must come to maturity so that it can open up a new socialist perspective. Many battles will be fought, and on several levels. What seems certain is that there improponibilità of the 'patch', the 'lesser evil', a reform of begging that no longer has any reform to be proposed. Even the interminable political crisis underway confirms it: the system no longer able to purify, to self-correct. Succeeds only in armored vehicles. Even for this Berlusconi has fallen in the bunker: a lack of alternatives in its majority, the parliamentary opposition.

that the exodus continues dunque!, ma non fine a se stesso, bensì come primo passo verso la sollevazione popolare. Che non è dietro l'angolo, ma che potrebbe sorprenderci tutti.

Leonardo Mazzei, Campo Antimperialista

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WHO'S AFRAID OF THE REVOLUTION IN LIBYA?

I disordini mediorientali non devono culminare in regimi rivoluzionari. Il loro idealistico romanticismo dei moti può venire rimpiazzato da un Robespierr e o da un Lenin ”. Barak, Ministro della Difesa israeliano

Secondo la vulgata il marxismo è accusato di avere too much faith in human nature. E 'accusation that we reject cordially. We strive to consider the human being in its materiality: it led to the preservation or progress by the same social conditions in which it develops its own consciousness.
But, yes, one thing is true. Marxists believe firmly that these social conditions may change rapidly inertia, accumulated over decades or even centuries, in motion. We believe that this process will be on rare occasions so strong as to generate sudden changes in the consciousness of individuals, relations between classes, deleting a few days in states and regimes. These moments are rare, but only in the sense that often require a long incubation for its development.
are revolutions, the real motor of history. The revolutions are to Marxism as an eruption is to volcanology, earthquake, the theory of plate tectonics. A volcanologist never ceases to classify a volcano erupts because for centuries, a seismologist records the small shock preparing massive earthquakes. So we are revolutionaries, including how to prepare the moments of inertia of the contradictions that lead to revolutionary explosion. The North Africa that we know so far is no more. It was not changed by any force except by pure intervention of the masses on the political scene . Those same masses, raw, unorganized, unaware, are now the force more alive on earth. And, yes, all this confirms that revolutionary politics is the most real thing there is in the world.
witnessing but a strange distortion. Another distortion that we do not know how to classify daughter of defeats and preparation of new defeats. For those who are accustomed to conceive the spirit of communism as a pure system, as the word of the omniscient leader, such as degree of a decorated general or as a system held up by a powerful intelligence apparatus, the masses are simply incapable of autonomy, their conscience, their own courage and even his own ability cos truzione. The distortion is in this: schools of thought fail to recognize even nominally communist revolution. The story is not moved by the mass movement, but by the conspiracy of powerful equipment. If a nation wakes up, someone must have conspired for this to happen. If a state structure collapses, it must be for the plot of another state apparatus.
This explains what happens then to Libya. Nevertheless, he ceases to be explainable any revolutionary process, whose characteristic is precisely to destroy the existing power without possessing any weapon that is not the initial mobilization of the masses.
If we consider that all power is in contradiction with other reactionary powers as reactionary, the revolution can still appear as a party game. The Revolution of 1905 weakened Russia, contributing to his defeat against Japan. The revolution of February 1917 gave power to a government led by a tsarist prince. And after the revolution of October 1917 did not favor the Central Powers, Austria and Germany, freeing them from a war front? For years, nationalist vulgate has presented the whole Russian revolution as a conspiracy of the German Kaiser, Lenin sent specifically to trigger the collapse of the enemy. The paradox is this: States that are not strong enough to defeat their opponents, they become all-powerful remote control to the point where millions of people, much to be preferred unleash a revolution rather than win a war.
We do not deny that imperialism has in his arms, propaganda, or that this propaganda in some cases may include the development of fake parties, movements and even political protests. It 's the case of movement of opposition to Chavez in 2002 or the Orange Revolution in Ukraine. But the consistency of these movements speaks for itself. The anti-Chavista clowns would not have withstood a barrage of farts, let alone to regulate aviation. The courage and the hysteria of imperialism-directed movements is proportional to the network of money, underworld gangs, mass-media hype that surrounds them. Without these elements, just melt in the sun. Such movements have always only one rule: the mass must remain passive even when it appears in mobilization. It must be seen quickly with media hype and then disappear into nothingness, leaving the field to the specialists of the coup. If inter alia, a whole population was willing to mobilize themselves to death against a company or a government, would in any case to explain how this society has allowed this development. And 'this is what we see in Libya?
The state disintegrates
This article does not claim the last hour. As we write the clash in the streets of Tripoli. The Gaddafi regime has not yet fallen, but little or nothing could save him. Gaddafi has a greater degree of independence from imperialism. Without a doubt. But this is far from making the situation more manageable for imperialism itself, has made it more complicated.
The U.S. has long plotted to remove Mubarak. Wikileaks documents to prove it. But they did not prepare for a revolution, but to prevent it. After a series of vacillations have not asked Mubarak to go to radicalize the revolution itself. With Gaddafi this was not possible. The economic interests of the clique Gaddafi are closely connected to the control of political power in Libya, the ability to use this power to negotiate agreements on oil, or migration.
This explains the ferocity with which the regime has decided to resist. And he had to do based on two typical elements of who does not have support among the population: Aviation and the use of mercenaries. The bombing is typical of those who can not fight his enemy on the ground. It 'actually more appropriate weapon to a foreign army of occupation. The rest are foreign mercenaries in the "patriot" Gaddafi is serving. It would come only 4 thousand on February 15. Aviation and mercenaries have one thing in common: for logistical reasons or language do not enter into line with the crowd. I am therefore the last repressive areas on which to build.
Imperialism understand what this means: under the blows of this senseless resistance, Gaddafi is not favoring the defense of the State but on the contrary it is accelerating the disintegration. The U.S. and Europe are interested in removing Gadhafi, but want a state apparatus to lean on. That is why such a hurry to condemn, in trying to forge ties with some of the insurgents in the immediate area.
But for the moment the state apparatus is in full decay. It is at the top, where the mutiny is even close circle around leader Gaddafi: Tuesday would be dissociated from Gaddafi also the Minister of the Interior. This is especially in the liberated areas. There is almost a law. The more areas of the state are slow to differ from one system and remove the top con una riforma o una congiura di palazzo, tanto più un movimento popolare tende a identificare il regime con lo Stato e rimuovendo uno, fa piazza pulita anche del secondo. Così si può dire che rivoluzione e semplice cambio di regime sono spesso due processi paralleli in cui uno cerca di battere l'altro sul tempo.
Tutti gli organi di informazione descrivono le zone dove il regime è crollato come prive di Stato. L'ordine è garantito da comitati rivoluzionari, le armi sono in mani ai civili che le usano al servizio delle decisioni collettive di tali comitati. Il Sole 24 Ore di venerdì 25 febbraio – descrive così Bengasi: “ i comitati popolari che hanno assunto l'amministrazione di diversi quartieri del centro, unable to maintain order and security. Several soldiers and police passed by the insurgents. (...) At the gates of the city you come across in the first military checkpoint. We send two leaflets: 'Dear Muslim brothers, shooting in the air scares women, elderly and children and it's dangerous'. The document warns of the consequences of the misuse of small arms and heavy in the hands of inexperienced young people, should hand over their weapons to the committees of the revolution and he concludes that to save the ammunition to counter any attack. 'We expect it but we are ready' concludes that a lawyer, still dressed in his robe for a few days suddenly Alert . "
Gaddafi anti-imperialist?
What reason would the imperialists to start a similar process? Gaddafi was not - we have already said - one of their puppet. Forced them to pay duty for doing business in Libya. But these deals were made and handsomely than ever before. Since 2003 Libya has signed more than ever its ties with imperialism, with plans to privatize 360 \u200b\u200bstate companies. In 2006, Libya has asked to join the World Trade Organization. The penetration of foreign capital has accelerated rapidly over the past two years now and never needed the stability of the regime to deepen. The recent agreements between Italy and Gaddafi, inaugurated by the center and made folk known to the public by Berlusconi, I'm just a demonstration.
GDP depends on Libyan oil production by 60%. International economic advisers had begun to invade Libya to develop other sectors of the economy. In particular, tourism had great growth potential. Economic relations were reciprocal and mutual. The Gaddafi family presented itself as the intermediary for the robbery of their country by imperialism and to invest the money "committee" in the same Western companies. Such a process is clearly visible in Italy because, for once, our imperialism was well placed at the banquet. According to the Marcegaglia, the Italian capital exports to Libya for 2 and a half billion euro and imports for about 10 billion. Italy depends on oil for 24% and 12% by gas from Libya. Impregilo is committed to contracts for over € 1 billion in infrastructure construction in Libya and Federmeccanica says that 1% of the sector depends on Libya. In turn, the Gaddafi family through the investment fund Lia (Libyan Investment Authority) owns the 2% stake in Finmeccanica, 14% of company-Retelit Telecom Italy -, 7.5% of Juventus and as much as 21% Olcese. It is estimated that only thirty-sixth of the investments made in Libya would be carried out. For capital, the Gaddafi regime was a certainty without danger.
Yet the Libyan regime remains una confusa fraseologia rivoluzionaria e antimperialista a cui Gheddafi non ha rinunciato nemmeno in questi giorni. Ma questo, lungi dallo spiegare la natura attuale di questo regime, ne spiega le origini. Secondo la leggenda, il giovane colonnello dell'aviazione, Gheddafi, sarebbe stato incaricato di accompagnare in volo dei dignitari libici ad un ricevimento di una compagnia petrolifera nel deserto. Al ricevimento sarebbe rimasto colpito dallo sfarzo e dal servilismo dei funzionari libici, decidendo di effettuare un colpo di Stato. Così tra il 31 agosto e il 1 settembre 1969 depone Re Idris. Il nuovo regime è ispirato dal panarabismo progressista di Nasser e procede immediatamente alla nazionalizzazione delle risorse petrolifere, costringendo negli anni tutte le large companies to renegotiation on the basis of new balance of power their penetration in the country.
regimes such as Gaddafi meet in a distorted way to a historical law. In less developed capitalist countries, national economic development can be ensured only in the fight against imperialism. But this is nothing more than the capitalist market in its highest stage of development. That's why there can be no struggle against imperialism that it touches the very mechanisms of the market. That is why a revolution in anti-colonial and anti-imperialism can only win if it becomes seamless, continuously, in a kind of socialist revolution. Gaddafi not
the interpreter is aware of this process, but the expression is distorted. It 's the price to be paid because the colonial revolution has not been classically carried out by communist forces. But if Gaddafi is only a distortion of historical law, this law may not escape. Today, his regime does not collapse because too against imperialism, but because it too closely. The increased penetration of international capital has made it more dependent on the Libya crisis of international capital.
There are several paradoxical argument between those who argue that the U.S. would prepare a table revolution: the riots were caused by inflation erupted as a result of the printing of paper money made by the Federal Reserve to jump-start the economy. It 's true, but far from demonstrating the existence of a deliberate plan, shows that the magician has lost control of the imperialist forces it generates. Any remedy to the crisis it prepares another.
We therefore faced with the preparation of a military intervention? Several commentators say. We are not in the minds of strategists American or European, but a war or military occupation of Libya would be madness, even from the standpoint of imperialism. First, even the U.S. has the strength or human resources to support it. Spend $ 7 billion a month just for their presence in Iraq and Afghanistan. But above all the landing of a single department of American soldiers radicalize r ivoluzione across North Africa. It is much more likely that there is an attempt to penetrate more focused, disguised as police operations, defense of the foreign factories or humanitarian missions to bring food or medication. That said, the Communists will be at the forefront of opposition to any imperialist intervention in Libya, Tunisia, Egypt and in any other country in the Arab world.
intervention of NATO, however, initially sought to suppress the insurgency in Benghazi and in all other cities that have turned against Gaddafi, to restore the capitalist order.
What next? All major
bourgeois commentators denounced the possibility that in the aftermath of the Libyan regime remains Islamic fundamentalism and the disintegration of state of Libya.
sociologist Khaled Allam, a former member of the Democratic Party and now the smell of the Third Pole, with several appearances in Libero and Il Giornale, thunders from the columns of the Sole 24 Ore: " tribal and ethnic fragmentation can lead to secession and promote ' infiltration of Al-Qaeda . Curiously, it is also what is said Gaddafi. The newspaper of the Confederation is concerned that the new advances in the Arab countries that it can resonate with the old: the age-old schism between Sunni and Shia Islam.
We do not deny this absolute perspective. Just say this: in the mouth of the bourgeoisie, but these concerns are not threats. The bourgeoisie played a double role here. With one hand, the alarm sounds and the other is ready to start the fire. The territorial disintegration, with the splitting of Tripolitania from Cyrenaica, tribal or religious fanaticism are the exact cards that imperialism will play to divert the revolution from its social basis. These scenarios do not emerge as legitimate children of the revolution, but as a product of his defeat. In several
left these days shaking the risk of a 1979 Iranian model: a social revolution and hijacked hijacked by a monstrous theocratic regime. We note in passing enabling short-circuit logic. The same groups who support the Stalinist regime in Iran in the name of his anti-imperialist role, Libya denounced the risk of a new 1979. What happened in 1979 was not the natural flow of that revolution, but the result of mistakes of the Communist Party of Iran during the revolution itself. In the name of the theory of two stages of the anti-imperialist unity, the party formed an alliance and paved the way for fundamentalist forces. Today
these revolutions are further clean sweep of those theories. The revolution in Tunisia game has not been reflected in a strengthening of Qaddafi or the government of Iran, but in their weakness. These regimes tremble at the revolution to pari dei fantocci americani in Arabia Saudita o in Baharain. E questo la dice più lunga di qualsiasi trattato di geopolitica. E Israele? Non dovrebbe forse gioire nel vedere la Lega Araba scossa da simili convulsioni? Israele è impaurita tanto quanto la monarchia saudita. Prova a esorcizzare la paura gridando al pericolo iraniano. E l'Iran attraversa il canale di Suez con proprie navi militari. Ma entrambi i paesi cercano solo di tornare alla propria normalità, dirottando l'attenzione dal fronte sociale a quello militare.
Riconoscere la rivoluzione per quello che è non ci serve a vincere una disputa teorica, ma a imbastire un'azione e una prospettiva pratica. Tutte le forze mondiali si getteranno sulla rivoluzione libica per spingerla su un path rather than another. It would be paradoxical if the Communists did not do likewise. After the political liberation movements in North Africa will begin to address the problem of social liberation. Those who have questioned his life he did not to return to neighborhoods with 70% unemployment, lack of schools and universities, with salaries that reach $ 400 a month for an engineer. The revolution will permanently from the struggle against the old regime, than against imperialism and against their own ruling class.
In Tunisia and Egypt these developments appear to be classic and certainly more evident than in Libya. We do not know if these revolutions will win. The midwife can not provide the analysis of the child during birth, much less assume its future work or school. It is primarily concerned with encouraging childbirth.

Dario Salvetti

Cystic Fibrosis In Babies More Condition_symptoms

SOLLEVIAMOCI!

Since a young engineering graduate who make a living selling fruit in the street committed suicide in Tunis, and then one hundred thousand young Tunisians have risen and have driven the tyrant, who is not stupid to have understood: there is only one alternative to the barbarism of suicide to depression. That alternative is the uprising.
Rising does not mean violence but intransigent assertion of his dignity, refusing di collaborare con l'oppressore, pieno dispiegamento della potenza dell'intelligenza sociale.
Anche in Italia è giunto il momento di liberarsi dalla violenza della precarietà dello sfruttamento e della miseria esistenziale nel solo modo possibile, quello che ci hanno insegnato i giovani tunisini. Rifiutiamoci di collaborare con l'oppressore, occupiamo le piazze le stazioni le banche, finché il tiranno non se ne sarà andato.
Nella scena politica italiana non esiste alcuna alternativa. La sola cosa che sa fare l'opposizione è raccogliere firme, dopo aver fatto finora da scendiletto del tiranno. Ma anche in Egitto e in Tunisia non c'era alternativa fin quando la società era piegata a obbedire al tiranno e ai suoi ruffiani. Solo la sollevazione, dis piegando la forza dell'intelligenza collettiva permetterà a una nuova opposizione di prendere forma e diventare alternativa .
Per questo io, Franco Berardi, docente precario di sociologia della comunicazione ho deciso che il 14 marzo, dedicherò l'inizio del mio corso all'Accademia di belle arti di Brera dove insegno, all'unico argomento urgente di questi tempi: come si può difendere la civiltà sociale dalla violenza del capitale finanziario, come si può difendere la dignità dal governo di mafia dei puttanieri, come può la nuova generazione liberarsi dall'inferno della miseria precaria?
Lunedì 14 marzo, alle ore 12, in un'aula di Brera (Via Brera, Milan).

Franco Berardi