I disordini mediorientali non devono culminare in regimi rivoluzionari. Il loro idealistico romanticismo dei moti può venire rimpiazzato da un Robespierr e o da un Lenin ”. Barak, Ministro della Difesa israeliano
Secondo la vulgata il marxismo è accusato di avere too much faith in human nature. E 'accusation that we reject cordially. We strive to consider the human being in its materiality: it led to the preservation or progress by the same social conditions in which it develops its own consciousness.
But, yes, one thing is true. Marxists believe firmly that these social conditions may change rapidly inertia, accumulated over decades or even centuries, in motion. We believe that this process will be on rare occasions so strong as to generate sudden changes in the consciousness of individuals, relations between classes, deleting a few days in states and regimes. These moments are rare, but only in the sense that often require a long incubation for its development.
are revolutions, the real motor of history. The revolutions are to Marxism as an eruption is to volcanology, earthquake, the theory of plate tectonics. A volcanologist never ceases to classify a volcano erupts because for centuries, a seismologist records the small shock preparing massive earthquakes. So we are revolutionaries, including how to prepare the moments of inertia of the contradictions that lead to revolutionary explosion. The North Africa that we know so far is no more. It was not changed by any force except by pure intervention of the masses on the political scene . Those same masses, raw, unorganized, unaware, are now the force more alive on earth. And, yes, all this confirms that revolutionary politics is the most real thing there is in the world.
witnessing but a strange distortion. Another distortion that we do not know how to classify daughter of defeats and preparation of new defeats. For those who are accustomed to conceive the spirit of communism as a pure system, as the word of the omniscient leader, such as degree of a decorated general or as a system held up by a powerful intelligence apparatus, the masses are simply incapable of autonomy, their conscience, their own courage and even his own ability cos truzione. The distortion is in this: schools of thought fail to recognize even nominally communist revolution. The story is not moved by the mass movement, but by the conspiracy of powerful equipment. If a nation wakes up, someone must have conspired for this to happen. If a state structure collapses, it must be for the plot of another state apparatus.
This explains what happens then to Libya. Nevertheless, he ceases to be explainable any revolutionary process, whose characteristic is precisely to destroy the existing power without possessing any weapon that is not the initial mobilization of the masses.
If we consider that all power is in contradiction with other reactionary powers as reactionary, the revolution can still appear as a party game. The Revolution of 1905 weakened Russia, contributing to his defeat against Japan. The revolution of February 1917 gave power to a government led by a tsarist prince. And after the revolution of October 1917 did not favor the Central Powers, Austria and Germany, freeing them from a war front? For years, nationalist vulgate has presented the whole Russian revolution as a conspiracy of the German Kaiser, Lenin sent specifically to trigger the collapse of the enemy. The paradox is this: States that are not strong enough to defeat their opponents, they become all-powerful remote control to the point where millions of people, much to be preferred unleash a revolution rather than win a war.
We do not deny that imperialism has in his arms, propaganda, or that this propaganda in some cases may include the development of fake parties, movements and even political protests. It 's the case of movement of opposition to Chavez in 2002 or the Orange Revolution in Ukraine. But the consistency of these movements speaks for itself. The anti-Chavista clowns would not have withstood a barrage of farts, let alone to regulate aviation. The courage and the hysteria of imperialism-directed movements is proportional to the network of money, underworld gangs, mass-media hype that surrounds them. Without these elements, just melt in the sun. Such movements have always only one rule: the mass must remain passive even when it appears in mobilization. It must be seen quickly with media hype and then disappear into nothingness, leaving the field to the specialists of the coup. If inter alia, a whole population was willing to mobilize themselves to death against a company or a government, would in any case to explain how this society has allowed this development. And 'this is what we see in Libya?
The state disintegrates
This article does not claim the last hour. As we write the clash in the streets of Tripoli. The Gaddafi regime has not yet fallen, but little or nothing could save him. Gaddafi has a greater degree of independence from imperialism. Without a doubt. But this is far from making the situation more manageable for imperialism itself, has made it more complicated.
The U.S. has long plotted to remove Mubarak. Wikileaks documents to prove it. But they did not prepare for a revolution, but to prevent it. After a series of vacillations have not asked Mubarak to go to radicalize the revolution itself. With Gaddafi this was not possible. The economic interests of the clique Gaddafi are closely connected to the control of political power in Libya, the ability to use this power to negotiate agreements on oil, or migration.
This explains the ferocity with which the regime has decided to resist. And he had to do based on two typical elements of who does not have support among the population: Aviation and the use of mercenaries. The bombing is typical of those who can not fight his enemy on the ground. It 'actually more appropriate weapon to a foreign army of occupation. The rest are foreign mercenaries in the "patriot" Gaddafi is serving. It would come only 4 thousand on February 15. Aviation and mercenaries have one thing in common: for logistical reasons or language do not enter into line with the crowd. I am therefore the last repressive areas on which to build.
Imperialism understand what this means: under the blows of this senseless resistance, Gaddafi is not favoring the defense of the State but on the contrary it is accelerating the disintegration. The U.S. and Europe are interested in removing Gadhafi, but want a state apparatus to lean on. That is why such a hurry to condemn, in trying to forge ties with some of the insurgents in the immediate area.
But for the moment the state apparatus is in full decay. It is at the top, where the mutiny is even close circle around leader Gaddafi: Tuesday would be dissociated from Gaddafi also the Minister of the Interior. This is especially in the liberated areas. There is almost a law. The more areas of the state are slow to differ from one system and remove the top con una riforma o una congiura di palazzo, tanto più un movimento popolare tende a identificare il regime con lo Stato e rimuovendo uno, fa piazza pulita anche del secondo. Così si può dire che rivoluzione e semplice cambio di regime sono spesso due processi paralleli in cui uno cerca di battere l'altro sul tempo.
Tutti gli organi di informazione descrivono le zone dove il regime è crollato come prive di Stato. L'ordine è garantito da comitati rivoluzionari, le armi sono in mani ai civili che le usano al servizio delle decisioni collettive di tali comitati. Il Sole 24 Ore di venerdì 25 febbraio – descrive così Bengasi: “ i comitati popolari che hanno assunto l'amministrazione di diversi quartieri del centro, unable to maintain order and security. Several soldiers and police passed by the insurgents. (...) At the gates of the city you come across in the first military checkpoint. We send two leaflets: 'Dear Muslim brothers, shooting in the air scares women, elderly and children and it's dangerous'. The document warns of the consequences of the misuse of small arms and heavy in the hands of inexperienced young people, should hand over their weapons to the committees of the revolution and he concludes that to save the ammunition to counter any attack. 'We expect it but we are ready' concludes that a lawyer, still dressed in his robe for a few days suddenly Alert . "
Gaddafi anti-imperialist?
What reason would the imperialists to start a similar process? Gaddafi was not - we have already said - one of their puppet. Forced them to pay duty for doing business in Libya. But these deals were made and handsomely than ever before. Since 2003 Libya has signed more than ever its ties with imperialism, with plans to privatize 360 \u200b\u200bstate companies. In 2006, Libya has asked to join the World Trade Organization. The penetration of foreign capital has accelerated rapidly over the past two years now and never needed the stability of the regime to deepen. The recent agreements between Italy and Gaddafi, inaugurated by the center and made folk known to the public by Berlusconi, I'm just a demonstration.
GDP depends on Libyan oil production by 60%. International economic advisers had begun to invade Libya to develop other sectors of the economy. In particular, tourism had great growth potential. Economic relations were reciprocal and mutual. The Gaddafi family presented itself as the intermediary for the robbery of their country by imperialism and to invest the money "committee" in the same Western companies. Such a process is clearly visible in Italy because, for once, our imperialism was well placed at the banquet. According to the Marcegaglia, the Italian capital exports to Libya for 2 and a half billion euro and imports for about 10 billion. Italy depends on oil for 24% and 12% by gas from Libya. Impregilo is committed to contracts for over € 1 billion in infrastructure construction in Libya and Federmeccanica says that 1% of the sector depends on Libya. In turn, the Gaddafi family through the investment fund Lia (Libyan Investment Authority) owns the 2% stake in Finmeccanica, 14% of company-Retelit Telecom Italy -, 7.5% of Juventus and as much as 21% Olcese. It is estimated that only thirty-sixth of the investments made in Libya would be carried out. For capital, the Gaddafi regime was a certainty without danger.
Yet the Libyan regime remains una confusa fraseologia rivoluzionaria e antimperialista a cui Gheddafi non ha rinunciato nemmeno in questi giorni. Ma questo, lungi dallo spiegare la natura attuale di questo regime, ne spiega le origini. Secondo la leggenda, il giovane colonnello dell'aviazione, Gheddafi, sarebbe stato incaricato di accompagnare in volo dei dignitari libici ad un ricevimento di una compagnia petrolifera nel deserto. Al ricevimento sarebbe rimasto colpito dallo sfarzo e dal servilismo dei funzionari libici, decidendo di effettuare un colpo di Stato. Così tra il 31 agosto e il 1 settembre 1969 depone Re Idris. Il nuovo regime è ispirato dal panarabismo progressista di Nasser e procede immediatamente alla nazionalizzazione delle risorse petrolifere, costringendo negli anni tutte le large companies to renegotiation on the basis of new balance of power their penetration in the country.
regimes such as Gaddafi meet in a distorted way to a historical law. In less developed capitalist countries, national economic development can be ensured only in the fight against imperialism. But this is nothing more than the capitalist market in its highest stage of development. That's why there can be no struggle against imperialism that it touches the very mechanisms of the market. That is why a revolution in anti-colonial and anti-imperialism can only win if it becomes seamless, continuously, in a kind of socialist revolution. Gaddafi not
the interpreter is aware of this process, but the expression is distorted. It 's the price to be paid because the colonial revolution has not been classically carried out by communist forces. But if Gaddafi is only a distortion of historical law, this law may not escape. Today, his regime does not collapse because too against imperialism, but because it too closely. The increased penetration of international capital has made it more dependent on the Libya crisis of international capital.
There are several paradoxical argument between those who argue that the U.S. would prepare a table revolution: the riots were caused by inflation erupted as a result of the printing of paper money made by the Federal Reserve to jump-start the economy. It 's true, but far from demonstrating the existence of a deliberate plan, shows that the magician has lost control of the imperialist forces it generates. Any remedy to the crisis it prepares another.
We therefore faced with the preparation of a military intervention? Several commentators say. We are not in the minds of strategists American or European, but a war or military occupation of Libya would be madness, even from the standpoint of imperialism. First, even the U.S. has the strength or human resources to support it. Spend $ 7 billion a month just for their presence in Iraq and Afghanistan. But above all the landing of a single department of American soldiers radicalize r ivoluzione across North Africa. It is much more likely that there is an attempt to penetrate more focused, disguised as police operations, defense of the foreign factories or humanitarian missions to bring food or medication. That said, the Communists will be at the forefront of opposition to any imperialist intervention in Libya, Tunisia, Egypt and in any other country in the Arab world.
intervention of NATO, however, initially sought to suppress the insurgency in Benghazi and in all other cities that have turned against Gaddafi, to restore the capitalist order.
What next? All major
bourgeois commentators denounced the possibility that in the aftermath of the Libyan regime remains Islamic fundamentalism and the disintegration of state of Libya.
sociologist Khaled Allam, a former member of the Democratic Party and now the smell of the Third Pole, with several appearances in Libero and Il Giornale, thunders from the columns of the Sole 24 Ore: " tribal and ethnic fragmentation can lead to secession and promote ' infiltration of Al-Qaeda . Curiously, it is also what is said Gaddafi. The newspaper of the Confederation is concerned that the new advances in the Arab countries that it can resonate with the old: the age-old schism between Sunni and Shia Islam.
We do not deny this absolute perspective. Just say this: in the mouth of the bourgeoisie, but these concerns are not threats. The bourgeoisie played a double role here. With one hand, the alarm sounds and the other is ready to start the fire. The territorial disintegration, with the splitting of Tripolitania from Cyrenaica, tribal or religious fanaticism are the exact cards that imperialism will play to divert the revolution from its social basis. These scenarios do not emerge as legitimate children of the revolution, but as a product of his defeat. In several
left these days shaking the risk of a 1979 Iranian model: a social revolution and hijacked hijacked by a monstrous theocratic regime. We note in passing enabling short-circuit logic. The same groups who support the Stalinist regime in Iran in the name of his anti-imperialist role, Libya denounced the risk of a new 1979. What happened in 1979 was not the natural flow of that revolution, but the result of mistakes of the Communist Party of Iran during the revolution itself. In the name of the theory of two stages of the anti-imperialist unity, the party formed an alliance and paved the way for fundamentalist forces. Today
these revolutions are further clean sweep of those theories. The revolution in Tunisia game has not been reflected in a strengthening of Qaddafi or the government of Iran, but in their weakness. These regimes tremble at the revolution to pari dei fantocci americani in Arabia Saudita o in Baharain. E questo la dice più lunga di qualsiasi trattato di geopolitica. E Israele? Non dovrebbe forse gioire nel vedere la Lega Araba scossa da simili convulsioni? Israele è impaurita tanto quanto la monarchia saudita. Prova a esorcizzare la paura gridando al pericolo iraniano. E l'Iran attraversa il canale di Suez con proprie navi militari. Ma entrambi i paesi cercano solo di tornare alla propria normalità, dirottando l'attenzione dal fronte sociale a quello militare.
Riconoscere la rivoluzione per quello che è non ci serve a vincere una disputa teorica, ma a imbastire un'azione e una prospettiva pratica. Tutte le forze mondiali si getteranno sulla rivoluzione libica per spingerla su un path rather than another. It would be paradoxical if the Communists did not do likewise. After the political liberation movements in North Africa will begin to address the problem of social liberation. Those who have questioned his life he did not to return to neighborhoods with 70% unemployment, lack of schools and universities, with salaries that reach $ 400 a month for an engineer. The revolution will permanently from the struggle against the old regime, than against imperialism and against their own ruling class.
In Tunisia and Egypt these developments appear to be classic and certainly more evident than in Libya. We do not know if these revolutions will win. The midwife can not provide the analysis of the child during birth, much less assume its future work or school. It is primarily concerned with encouraging childbirth.
But, yes, one thing is true. Marxists believe firmly that these social conditions may change rapidly inertia, accumulated over decades or even centuries, in motion. We believe that this process will be on rare occasions so strong as to generate sudden changes in the consciousness of individuals, relations between classes, deleting a few days in states and regimes. These moments are rare, but only in the sense that often require a long incubation for its development.
are revolutions, the real motor of history. The revolutions are to Marxism as an eruption is to volcanology, earthquake, the theory of plate tectonics. A volcanologist never ceases to classify a volcano erupts because for centuries, a seismologist records the small shock preparing massive earthquakes. So we are revolutionaries, including how to prepare the moments of inertia of the contradictions that lead to revolutionary explosion. The North Africa that we know so far is no more. It was not changed by any force except by pure intervention of the masses on the political scene . Those same masses, raw, unorganized, unaware, are now the force more alive on earth. And, yes, all this confirms that revolutionary politics is the most real thing there is in the world.
witnessing but a strange distortion. Another distortion that we do not know how to classify daughter of defeats and preparation of new defeats. For those who are accustomed to conceive the spirit of communism as a pure system, as the word of the omniscient leader, such as degree of a decorated general or as a system held up by a powerful intelligence apparatus, the masses are simply incapable of autonomy, their conscience, their own courage and even his own ability cos truzione. The distortion is in this: schools of thought fail to recognize even nominally communist revolution. The story is not moved by the mass movement, but by the conspiracy of powerful equipment. If a nation wakes up, someone must have conspired for this to happen. If a state structure collapses, it must be for the plot of another state apparatus.
This explains what happens then to Libya. Nevertheless, he ceases to be explainable any revolutionary process, whose characteristic is precisely to destroy the existing power without possessing any weapon that is not the initial mobilization of the masses.
If we consider that all power is in contradiction with other reactionary powers as reactionary, the revolution can still appear as a party game. The Revolution of 1905 weakened Russia, contributing to his defeat against Japan. The revolution of February 1917 gave power to a government led by a tsarist prince. And after the revolution of October 1917 did not favor the Central Powers, Austria and Germany, freeing them from a war front? For years, nationalist vulgate has presented the whole Russian revolution as a conspiracy of the German Kaiser, Lenin sent specifically to trigger the collapse of the enemy. The paradox is this: States that are not strong enough to defeat their opponents, they become all-powerful remote control to the point where millions of people, much to be preferred unleash a revolution rather than win a war.
We do not deny that imperialism has in his arms, propaganda, or that this propaganda in some cases may include the development of fake parties, movements and even political protests. It 's the case of movement of opposition to Chavez in 2002 or the Orange Revolution in Ukraine. But the consistency of these movements speaks for itself. The anti-Chavista clowns would not have withstood a barrage of farts, let alone to regulate aviation. The courage and the hysteria of imperialism-directed movements is proportional to the network of money, underworld gangs, mass-media hype that surrounds them. Without these elements, just melt in the sun. Such movements have always only one rule: the mass must remain passive even when it appears in mobilization. It must be seen quickly with media hype and then disappear into nothingness, leaving the field to the specialists of the coup. If inter alia, a whole population was willing to mobilize themselves to death against a company or a government, would in any case to explain how this society has allowed this development. And 'this is what we see in Libya?
The state disintegrates
This article does not claim the last hour. As we write the clash in the streets of Tripoli. The Gaddafi regime has not yet fallen, but little or nothing could save him. Gaddafi has a greater degree of independence from imperialism. Without a doubt. But this is far from making the situation more manageable for imperialism itself, has made it more complicated.
The U.S. has long plotted to remove Mubarak. Wikileaks documents to prove it. But they did not prepare for a revolution, but to prevent it. After a series of vacillations have not asked Mubarak to go to radicalize the revolution itself. With Gaddafi this was not possible. The economic interests of the clique Gaddafi are closely connected to the control of political power in Libya, the ability to use this power to negotiate agreements on oil, or migration.
This explains the ferocity with which the regime has decided to resist. And he had to do based on two typical elements of who does not have support among the population: Aviation and the use of mercenaries. The bombing is typical of those who can not fight his enemy on the ground. It 'actually more appropriate weapon to a foreign army of occupation. The rest are foreign mercenaries in the "patriot" Gaddafi is serving. It would come only 4 thousand on February 15. Aviation and mercenaries have one thing in common: for logistical reasons or language do not enter into line with the crowd. I am therefore the last repressive areas on which to build.
Imperialism understand what this means: under the blows of this senseless resistance, Gaddafi is not favoring the defense of the State but on the contrary it is accelerating the disintegration. The U.S. and Europe are interested in removing Gadhafi, but want a state apparatus to lean on. That is why such a hurry to condemn, in trying to forge ties with some of the insurgents in the immediate area.
But for the moment the state apparatus is in full decay. It is at the top, where the mutiny is even close circle around leader Gaddafi: Tuesday would be dissociated from Gaddafi also the Minister of the Interior. This is especially in the liberated areas. There is almost a law. The more areas of the state are slow to differ from one system and remove the top con una riforma o una congiura di palazzo, tanto più un movimento popolare tende a identificare il regime con lo Stato e rimuovendo uno, fa piazza pulita anche del secondo. Così si può dire che rivoluzione e semplice cambio di regime sono spesso due processi paralleli in cui uno cerca di battere l'altro sul tempo.
Tutti gli organi di informazione descrivono le zone dove il regime è crollato come prive di Stato. L'ordine è garantito da comitati rivoluzionari, le armi sono in mani ai civili che le usano al servizio delle decisioni collettive di tali comitati. Il Sole 24 Ore di venerdì 25 febbraio – descrive così Bengasi: “ i comitati popolari che hanno assunto l'amministrazione di diversi quartieri del centro, unable to maintain order and security. Several soldiers and police passed by the insurgents. (...) At the gates of the city you come across in the first military checkpoint. We send two leaflets: 'Dear Muslim brothers, shooting in the air scares women, elderly and children and it's dangerous'. The document warns of the consequences of the misuse of small arms and heavy in the hands of inexperienced young people, should hand over their weapons to the committees of the revolution and he concludes that to save the ammunition to counter any attack. 'We expect it but we are ready' concludes that a lawyer, still dressed in his robe for a few days suddenly Alert . "
Gaddafi anti-imperialist?
What reason would the imperialists to start a similar process? Gaddafi was not - we have already said - one of their puppet. Forced them to pay duty for doing business in Libya. But these deals were made and handsomely than ever before. Since 2003 Libya has signed more than ever its ties with imperialism, with plans to privatize 360 \u200b\u200bstate companies. In 2006, Libya has asked to join the World Trade Organization. The penetration of foreign capital has accelerated rapidly over the past two years now and never needed the stability of the regime to deepen. The recent agreements between Italy and Gaddafi, inaugurated by the center and made folk known to the public by Berlusconi, I'm just a demonstration.
GDP depends on Libyan oil production by 60%. International economic advisers had begun to invade Libya to develop other sectors of the economy. In particular, tourism had great growth potential. Economic relations were reciprocal and mutual. The Gaddafi family presented itself as the intermediary for the robbery of their country by imperialism and to invest the money "committee" in the same Western companies. Such a process is clearly visible in Italy because, for once, our imperialism was well placed at the banquet. According to the Marcegaglia, the Italian capital exports to Libya for 2 and a half billion euro and imports for about 10 billion. Italy depends on oil for 24% and 12% by gas from Libya. Impregilo is committed to contracts for over € 1 billion in infrastructure construction in Libya and Federmeccanica says that 1% of the sector depends on Libya. In turn, the Gaddafi family through the investment fund Lia (Libyan Investment Authority) owns the 2% stake in Finmeccanica, 14% of company-Retelit Telecom Italy -, 7.5% of Juventus and as much as 21% Olcese. It is estimated that only thirty-sixth of the investments made in Libya would be carried out. For capital, the Gaddafi regime was a certainty without danger.
Yet the Libyan regime remains una confusa fraseologia rivoluzionaria e antimperialista a cui Gheddafi non ha rinunciato nemmeno in questi giorni. Ma questo, lungi dallo spiegare la natura attuale di questo regime, ne spiega le origini. Secondo la leggenda, il giovane colonnello dell'aviazione, Gheddafi, sarebbe stato incaricato di accompagnare in volo dei dignitari libici ad un ricevimento di una compagnia petrolifera nel deserto. Al ricevimento sarebbe rimasto colpito dallo sfarzo e dal servilismo dei funzionari libici, decidendo di effettuare un colpo di Stato. Così tra il 31 agosto e il 1 settembre 1969 depone Re Idris. Il nuovo regime è ispirato dal panarabismo progressista di Nasser e procede immediatamente alla nazionalizzazione delle risorse petrolifere, costringendo negli anni tutte le large companies to renegotiation on the basis of new balance of power their penetration in the country.
regimes such as Gaddafi meet in a distorted way to a historical law. In less developed capitalist countries, national economic development can be ensured only in the fight against imperialism. But this is nothing more than the capitalist market in its highest stage of development. That's why there can be no struggle against imperialism that it touches the very mechanisms of the market. That is why a revolution in anti-colonial and anti-imperialism can only win if it becomes seamless, continuously, in a kind of socialist revolution. Gaddafi not
the interpreter is aware of this process, but the expression is distorted. It 's the price to be paid because the colonial revolution has not been classically carried out by communist forces. But if Gaddafi is only a distortion of historical law, this law may not escape. Today, his regime does not collapse because too against imperialism, but because it too closely. The increased penetration of international capital has made it more dependent on the Libya crisis of international capital.
There are several paradoxical argument between those who argue that the U.S. would prepare a table revolution: the riots were caused by inflation erupted as a result of the printing of paper money made by the Federal Reserve to jump-start the economy. It 's true, but far from demonstrating the existence of a deliberate plan, shows that the magician has lost control of the imperialist forces it generates. Any remedy to the crisis it prepares another.
We therefore faced with the preparation of a military intervention? Several commentators say. We are not in the minds of strategists American or European, but a war or military occupation of Libya would be madness, even from the standpoint of imperialism. First, even the U.S. has the strength or human resources to support it. Spend $ 7 billion a month just for their presence in Iraq and Afghanistan. But above all the landing of a single department of American soldiers radicalize r ivoluzione across North Africa. It is much more likely that there is an attempt to penetrate more focused, disguised as police operations, defense of the foreign factories or humanitarian missions to bring food or medication. That said, the Communists will be at the forefront of opposition to any imperialist intervention in Libya, Tunisia, Egypt and in any other country in the Arab world.
intervention of NATO, however, initially sought to suppress the insurgency in Benghazi and in all other cities that have turned against Gaddafi, to restore the capitalist order.
What next? All major
bourgeois commentators denounced the possibility that in the aftermath of the Libyan regime remains Islamic fundamentalism and the disintegration of state of Libya.
sociologist Khaled Allam, a former member of the Democratic Party and now the smell of the Third Pole, with several appearances in Libero and Il Giornale, thunders from the columns of the Sole 24 Ore: " tribal and ethnic fragmentation can lead to secession and promote ' infiltration of Al-Qaeda . Curiously, it is also what is said Gaddafi. The newspaper of the Confederation is concerned that the new advances in the Arab countries that it can resonate with the old: the age-old schism between Sunni and Shia Islam.
We do not deny this absolute perspective. Just say this: in the mouth of the bourgeoisie, but these concerns are not threats. The bourgeoisie played a double role here. With one hand, the alarm sounds and the other is ready to start the fire. The territorial disintegration, with the splitting of Tripolitania from Cyrenaica, tribal or religious fanaticism are the exact cards that imperialism will play to divert the revolution from its social basis. These scenarios do not emerge as legitimate children of the revolution, but as a product of his defeat. In several
left these days shaking the risk of a 1979 Iranian model: a social revolution and hijacked hijacked by a monstrous theocratic regime. We note in passing enabling short-circuit logic. The same groups who support the Stalinist regime in Iran in the name of his anti-imperialist role, Libya denounced the risk of a new 1979. What happened in 1979 was not the natural flow of that revolution, but the result of mistakes of the Communist Party of Iran during the revolution itself. In the name of the theory of two stages of the anti-imperialist unity, the party formed an alliance and paved the way for fundamentalist forces. Today
these revolutions are further clean sweep of those theories. The revolution in Tunisia game has not been reflected in a strengthening of Qaddafi or the government of Iran, but in their weakness. These regimes tremble at the revolution to pari dei fantocci americani in Arabia Saudita o in Baharain. E questo la dice più lunga di qualsiasi trattato di geopolitica. E Israele? Non dovrebbe forse gioire nel vedere la Lega Araba scossa da simili convulsioni? Israele è impaurita tanto quanto la monarchia saudita. Prova a esorcizzare la paura gridando al pericolo iraniano. E l'Iran attraversa il canale di Suez con proprie navi militari. Ma entrambi i paesi cercano solo di tornare alla propria normalità, dirottando l'attenzione dal fronte sociale a quello militare.
Riconoscere la rivoluzione per quello che è non ci serve a vincere una disputa teorica, ma a imbastire un'azione e una prospettiva pratica. Tutte le forze mondiali si getteranno sulla rivoluzione libica per spingerla su un path rather than another. It would be paradoxical if the Communists did not do likewise. After the political liberation movements in North Africa will begin to address the problem of social liberation. Those who have questioned his life he did not to return to neighborhoods with 70% unemployment, lack of schools and universities, with salaries that reach $ 400 a month for an engineer. The revolution will permanently from the struggle against the old regime, than against imperialism and against their own ruling class.
In Tunisia and Egypt these developments appear to be classic and certainly more evident than in Libya. We do not know if these revolutions will win. The midwife can not provide the analysis of the child during birth, much less assume its future work or school. It is primarily concerned with encouraging childbirth.
Dario Salvetti
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